ritu_raj
03-11 02:59 PM
Hi Everyone
Looking for advice on my case -
We (I and my wife) filed for 485/EAD/AP on July 27 2007. We received all documents (receipt#, AP, FP etc) except EAD for my wife. The case status online shows her EAD application was received and pending. So on Jan 24th we put a Service Request for her EAD application. Yesterday we received a letter from USCIS with the following information --
The status ofthis service request is:
WAC-XX-XXX-XXXXX
Your 1-765 application was administratively closed on 0112912008.
If you have any further questions, please call the National Customer Service Center at 1-800-375-5283.
If anyone has similar experience or know why they would close a case without giving any information or RFE/NOID etc? I tried calling them but the IO couldn't provide any further info.
Looking for advice on my case -
We (I and my wife) filed for 485/EAD/AP on July 27 2007. We received all documents (receipt#, AP, FP etc) except EAD for my wife. The case status online shows her EAD application was received and pending. So on Jan 24th we put a Service Request for her EAD application. Yesterday we received a letter from USCIS with the following information --
The status ofthis service request is:
WAC-XX-XXX-XXXXX
Your 1-765 application was administratively closed on 0112912008.
If you have any further questions, please call the National Customer Service Center at 1-800-375-5283.
If anyone has similar experience or know why they would close a case without giving any information or RFE/NOID etc? I tried calling them but the IO couldn't provide any further info.
wallpaper HD Wallpapers: 2560x1440
Macaca
07-22 05:33 PM
For Real Drama, Senate Should Engage In a True Filibuster (http://www.rollcall.com/issues/53_8/ornstein/19415-1.html) By Norman Ornstein, resident scholar at American Enterprise Institute, July 18, 2007
For many Senators, this week will take them back to their college years - they'll pull an all-nighter, but this time with no final exam to follow.
To dramatize Republican obstructionism, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) has decided to hold a mini-version of a real, old-time filibuster. In the old days, i.e., the 1950s, a real filibuster meant the Senate would drop everything, bring the place to a screeching halt, haul cots into the corridors and go around the clock with debate until one side would crack - either the intense minority or the frustrated majority. The former would be under pressure from a public that took notice of the obstructionism thanks to the drama of the repeated round-the-clock sessions.
It is a reflection of our times that the most the Senate can stand of such drama is 24 hours, maybe stretched to 48. But it also is a reflection of the dynamic of the Senate this year that Reid feels compelled to try this kind of extraordinary tactic.
This is a very different year, one on a record-shattering pace for cloture votes, one where the threat of filibuster has become routinized in a way we have not seen before. As Congressional Quarterly pointed out last week, we already have had 40 cloture votes in six-plus months; the record for a whole two-year Congress is 61.
For Reid, the past six months have been especially frustrating because the minority Republicans have adopted a tactic of refusing to negotiate time agreements on a wide range of legislation, something normally done in the Senate via unanimous consent, with the two parties setting a structure for debate and amendments. Of course, many of the breakdowns have been on votes related to the Iraq War, the subject of the all-night debate and the overwhelming focus of the 110th Congress. On Iraq, the Republican leaders long ago decided to try to block the Democrats at every turn to negate any edge the majority might have to seize the agenda, force the issue and put President Bush on the defensive.
But the obstructionist tactics have gone well beyond Iraq, to include things such as the 9/11 commission recommendations and the increase in the minimum wage, intelligence authorization, prescription drugs and many other issues.
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and his deputy, Minority Whip Trent Lott (R-Miss.), have instead decided to create a very different standard in the Senate than we have seen before, with 60 votes now the norm for nearly all issues, instead of the exception. In our highly polarized environment, where finding the center is a desirable outcome, that is not necessarily a bad thing. But a closer examination of the way this process has worked so far suggests that more often than not, the goal of the Republican leaders is to kill legislation or delay it interminably, not find a middle and bipartisan ground.
If Bush were any stronger, and were genuinely determined to burnish his legacy by enacting legislation in areas such as health, education and the environment, we might see a different dynamic and different outcomes. But the president's embarrassing failure on immigration reform - securing only 12 of 49 Senators from his party for his top domestic priority - has pretty much put the kibosh on a presidentially led bipartisan approach to policy action.
Republican leaders have responded to any criticism of their tactics by accusing Reid and his deputy, Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), of trying to squelch debate and kill off their amendments by filing premature cloture motions, designed to pre-empt the process and foreclose many amendments. There is some truth to this; early on, especially, Reid wanted to get the Senate jump-started and pushed sometimes prematurely to resolve issues.
But the fact is that on many of the issues mentioned above, Reid has been quite willing to allow Republican amendments and quite willing to negotiate a deal with McConnell to move business along. That has not been enough. As Roll Call noted last week, on both the intelligence bill and the Medicare prescription drug measure, Republicans were fundamentally opposed to the underlying bills and wanted simply to kill them.
The problem actually goes beyond the sustained effort to raise the bar routinely to 60 votes. The fact is that obstructionist tactics have been applied successfully to many bills that have far more than 60 Senators supporting them. The most visible issue in this category has been the lobbying and ethics reform bill that passed the Senate early in the year by overwhelming margins.
Every time Reid has moved to appoint conferees to get to the final stages on the issue, a Republican Senator has objected. After months of dispute over who was really behind the blockage, Sen. Jim DeMint of South Carolina emerged as the bte noire. But Republican leaders have been more than willing to carry DeMint's water to keep that bill from coming up.
The problem Reid faces on this issue is that to supersede the unanimous consent denial, he would have to go through three separate cloture fights, each one allowing substantial sustained debate, including 30 hours worth after cloture is invoked. In the meantime, a badly needed reform is blocked, and the minority can blame the majority for failing to fulfill its promise to reform the culture of corruption. It may work politically, but the institution and the country both suffer along the way.
Is this obstructionism? Yes, indeed - according to none other than Lott. The Minority Whip told Roll Call, "The strategy of being obstructionist can work or fail. For [former Senate Minority Leader Tom] Daschle, it failed. For Reid it succeeded, and so far it's working for us." Lott's point was that a minority party can push as far as it wants until the public blames them for the problem, and so far that has not happened.
The war is a different issue from any other. McConnell's offer to Reid to set the bar at 60 for all amendments related to Iraq, thereby avoiding many of the time-consuming procedural hurdles, is actually a fair one - nothing is going to be done, realistically, to change policy on the war without a bipartisan, 60-vote-plus coalition. But other issues should not be routinely subject to a supermajority hurdle.
What can Reid do? An all-nighter might help a little. But the then-majority Republicans tried the faux-filibuster approach a couple of years ago when they wanted to stop minority Democrats from blocking Bush's judicial nominees, and it went nowhere. The real answer here is probably one Senate Democrats don't want to face: longer hours, fewer recesses and a couple of real filibusters - days and nights and maybe weeks of nonstop, round-the-clock debate, bringing back the cots and bringing the rest of the agenda to a halt to show the implications of the new tactics.
At the moment, I don't see enough battle-hardened veterans in the Senate willing to take on that pain.
For many Senators, this week will take them back to their college years - they'll pull an all-nighter, but this time with no final exam to follow.
To dramatize Republican obstructionism, Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) has decided to hold a mini-version of a real, old-time filibuster. In the old days, i.e., the 1950s, a real filibuster meant the Senate would drop everything, bring the place to a screeching halt, haul cots into the corridors and go around the clock with debate until one side would crack - either the intense minority or the frustrated majority. The former would be under pressure from a public that took notice of the obstructionism thanks to the drama of the repeated round-the-clock sessions.
It is a reflection of our times that the most the Senate can stand of such drama is 24 hours, maybe stretched to 48. But it also is a reflection of the dynamic of the Senate this year that Reid feels compelled to try this kind of extraordinary tactic.
This is a very different year, one on a record-shattering pace for cloture votes, one where the threat of filibuster has become routinized in a way we have not seen before. As Congressional Quarterly pointed out last week, we already have had 40 cloture votes in six-plus months; the record for a whole two-year Congress is 61.
For Reid, the past six months have been especially frustrating because the minority Republicans have adopted a tactic of refusing to negotiate time agreements on a wide range of legislation, something normally done in the Senate via unanimous consent, with the two parties setting a structure for debate and amendments. Of course, many of the breakdowns have been on votes related to the Iraq War, the subject of the all-night debate and the overwhelming focus of the 110th Congress. On Iraq, the Republican leaders long ago decided to try to block the Democrats at every turn to negate any edge the majority might have to seize the agenda, force the issue and put President Bush on the defensive.
But the obstructionist tactics have gone well beyond Iraq, to include things such as the 9/11 commission recommendations and the increase in the minimum wage, intelligence authorization, prescription drugs and many other issues.
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and his deputy, Minority Whip Trent Lott (R-Miss.), have instead decided to create a very different standard in the Senate than we have seen before, with 60 votes now the norm for nearly all issues, instead of the exception. In our highly polarized environment, where finding the center is a desirable outcome, that is not necessarily a bad thing. But a closer examination of the way this process has worked so far suggests that more often than not, the goal of the Republican leaders is to kill legislation or delay it interminably, not find a middle and bipartisan ground.
If Bush were any stronger, and were genuinely determined to burnish his legacy by enacting legislation in areas such as health, education and the environment, we might see a different dynamic and different outcomes. But the president's embarrassing failure on immigration reform - securing only 12 of 49 Senators from his party for his top domestic priority - has pretty much put the kibosh on a presidentially led bipartisan approach to policy action.
Republican leaders have responded to any criticism of their tactics by accusing Reid and his deputy, Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), of trying to squelch debate and kill off their amendments by filing premature cloture motions, designed to pre-empt the process and foreclose many amendments. There is some truth to this; early on, especially, Reid wanted to get the Senate jump-started and pushed sometimes prematurely to resolve issues.
But the fact is that on many of the issues mentioned above, Reid has been quite willing to allow Republican amendments and quite willing to negotiate a deal with McConnell to move business along. That has not been enough. As Roll Call noted last week, on both the intelligence bill and the Medicare prescription drug measure, Republicans were fundamentally opposed to the underlying bills and wanted simply to kill them.
The problem actually goes beyond the sustained effort to raise the bar routinely to 60 votes. The fact is that obstructionist tactics have been applied successfully to many bills that have far more than 60 Senators supporting them. The most visible issue in this category has been the lobbying and ethics reform bill that passed the Senate early in the year by overwhelming margins.
Every time Reid has moved to appoint conferees to get to the final stages on the issue, a Republican Senator has objected. After months of dispute over who was really behind the blockage, Sen. Jim DeMint of South Carolina emerged as the bte noire. But Republican leaders have been more than willing to carry DeMint's water to keep that bill from coming up.
The problem Reid faces on this issue is that to supersede the unanimous consent denial, he would have to go through three separate cloture fights, each one allowing substantial sustained debate, including 30 hours worth after cloture is invoked. In the meantime, a badly needed reform is blocked, and the minority can blame the majority for failing to fulfill its promise to reform the culture of corruption. It may work politically, but the institution and the country both suffer along the way.
Is this obstructionism? Yes, indeed - according to none other than Lott. The Minority Whip told Roll Call, "The strategy of being obstructionist can work or fail. For [former Senate Minority Leader Tom] Daschle, it failed. For Reid it succeeded, and so far it's working for us." Lott's point was that a minority party can push as far as it wants until the public blames them for the problem, and so far that has not happened.
The war is a different issue from any other. McConnell's offer to Reid to set the bar at 60 for all amendments related to Iraq, thereby avoiding many of the time-consuming procedural hurdles, is actually a fair one - nothing is going to be done, realistically, to change policy on the war without a bipartisan, 60-vote-plus coalition. But other issues should not be routinely subject to a supermajority hurdle.
What can Reid do? An all-nighter might help a little. But the then-majority Republicans tried the faux-filibuster approach a couple of years ago when they wanted to stop minority Democrats from blocking Bush's judicial nominees, and it went nowhere. The real answer here is probably one Senate Democrats don't want to face: longer hours, fewer recesses and a couple of real filibusters - days and nights and maybe weeks of nonstop, round-the-clock debate, bringing back the cots and bringing the rest of the agenda to a halt to show the implications of the new tactics.
At the moment, I don't see enough battle-hardened veterans in the Senate willing to take on that pain.
pom
09-26 10:54 AM
I like it. It makes me feel dizzy, but I like it.
2011 Molokini Island wallpaper
lobstars
05-04 02:57 PM
is this what you meant? it might be helpful anyway:)
board.flashkit.com/board/...did=274366 (http://board.flashkit.com/board/showthread.php?threadid=274366)
board.flashkit.com/board/...did=274366 (http://board.flashkit.com/board/showthread.php?threadid=274366)
more...
ncrtpMay2004
11-07 02:02 PM
do we need a funding drive do anything for the lame duck session?
$eeGrEeN
10-26 01:34 PM
105-year-old realizes dream of citizenship (http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/california/la-me-naturalize26oct26,1,6009025.story?coll=la-headlines-pe-california)
more...
Macaca
07-31 05:14 PM
Senate GOP Set for Rebranding Retreat (http://www.rollcall.com/issues/53_15/news/19611-1.html) By Erin P. Billings, ROLL CALL STAFF, July 31 2007
After six months of largely sitting back and watching how the new Democratic Senate performs, Republican leaders this week will hold a special retreat to begin honing their 2008 message and agenda - one that's being privately billed as an 18-month "campaign" to reposition themselves to take on the party in charge.
GOP Senators will huddle Wednesday afternoon behind closed doors for the two-hour, Members-only session at 1:45 in the Capitol's Mansfield Room. Orchestrated by Republican Conference Chairman Jon Kyl (Ariz.), the meeting will serve as both a "mid-year review" for the first session of the 110th Congress and as an open exchange of ideas on reformatting a Republican Party that handily lost the House and Senate majorities in November.
"This is about laying the foundation for rebuilding the party," said a Republican Senate leadership aide. "This is a group project. No one person can determine this, we all have to come together and agree on it."
Kyl, in a brief interview Monday, said the session has both a short-term purpose of arming Senators with a message for the upcoming August recess and a broader goal of engaging Senators to game out the party's strategy for the remainder of the year. He added that Republicans likely will come together again next January to take stock of their message and platform heading into what many anticipate will be another bitter test at the ballot box.
"Going into the election year, it's important to know what we stand for, not just what we stand against," he said.
Kyl said that in the first six months of the year, Republicans have had to do little to try to brand the new majority, saying that by pursuing a partisan agenda the Democrats "have returned to form and really defined themselves. We haven't had to do a whole lot to define them."
But Kyl acknowledged that Republicans cannot sit by and simply talk about the Democrats' shortcomings. Senators need to be armed with their own positions and alternatives that reflect the party's long-standing principles, whether it is over the war in Iraq, an expected omnibus spending package or health care policy.
While Wednesday's special Republican Conference meeting will serve as mostly a give-and-take forum for the 49 Senators, sources familiar with the planning say it will also play host to presentations from some outsiders, including GOP pollster and adviser David Winston, who also is a Roll Call contributing writer. Kyl and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) also are on tap to speak and are likely to deliver their respective assessments of the GOP's position heading into 2008.
Republican leaders also will urge Senators to use the August recess to further vet ideas - both in policy and message - for how Republicans should approach the remainder of the 110th Congress.
"We were in the majority for pretty much 12 years," noted a senior GOP Senate aide. "It took an adjustment. But after six months, things are working differently and we need to find those hard line stances that got us into power."
The uphill battle Republicans face over the next two years is no secret, even with McConnell publicly acknowledging the GOP will be lucky to hold its own in an unfavorable political climate with nearly twice as many Senate seats to defend. Republicans need to stave off potential challenges to 21 seats, including McConnell's, while Democratic Senate incumbents face re-election in just a dozen seats.
The timing for the the GOP's Wednesday retreat is noteworthy given Congress is about to break for face time with its constituents for the longest period yet this year. The meeting also comes as the Democratic majority ramps up a summer message that it has racked up a series of critical accomplishments that include passing a minimum-wage increase, higher education reforms and stiffer homeland security protections while continuing to keep pressure on President Bush to end the war in Iraq.
Senate Democrats will try to further build on their theme this week both in message and in practice as they look to leave town having enacted another string of domestic items including a lobbying reform package and an expansion of the children's health insurance program.
Intentional or not, the Democrats have begun to trumpet their accomplishments just as Republicans further accusations that the majority party is responsible for leading a "do-nothing" Congress for the first quarter of the two-year session. That's the same message the Democrats found some success in using to rally against the Republicans during the 109th Congress.
Beyond that, however, Republicans have done little to advance a larger message to define who they are as a party and why they should be put back in charge of Congress. Several Republican leadership aides said party leaders wanted to hold off on undergoing any rebranding exercise until after they had adequate time to assess the Democrats' performance during the first half of 2007.
"It was necessary for us as an opposition party to find out exactly where the Democrats were going to go so we could exploit what we perceive as their mistakes," said the GOP leadership aide. "So now we have an opportunity to share with the American people what we would do differently and how it would benefit them."
But Democrats say regardless of how GOP Senators decide to proceed, they aren't worried that the minority party will create a successful message or policy offensive. So far, Democrats say Republicans have shown little interest in changing their Congressional posture - especially as they try to block passage of the very programs the electorate sought from a new Democratic majority.
"They act as though the November 2006 election never happened," a Senate Democratic leadership aide said of the GOP. "I'm not sure if they're tone-deaf or just plain stubborn, but they've spent the first half of this year fighting like hell against making any progress on the issues voters care about."
The Senate GOP's assessment mirrors similar efforts undertaken in by the then-minority Democrats in recent cycles. Congressional Democrats spent the better part of the 2006 cycle working to unify around their "New Direction for America" platform, which included a series of Democratic priorities the party vowed to enact if given the gavel in the 110th Congress.
And while it remains unclear exactly what the Senate GOP's next move will be, Republicans acknowledge they need to get to work now if they are to have success heading into next year.
Already, Senate Republicans have spent recent weeks trying to re-engage with their House counterparts on message and overall policy coordination. Republicans are hoping for new opportunities to synchronize across the Dome in the wake of the latest debates on Iraq and immigration that deeply fractured the party.
As part of that effort, GOP Senate and House leaders last week held rare joint pen-and-pad sessions with reporters and a press conference on taxes and spending, while the leadership has had numerous planning sessions on overall party strategy and is orchestrating lawmakers to head to the Senate and House floors to push similar party themes. House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) also is expected to join the Senate Republicans' weekly steering committee lunch this week.
Beyond that, House and Senate leadership offices have sought to coordinate messages on fiscal discipline, the Bush administration's midterm report on the Iraq troop "surge" and on accusations of Democrats leading the "post office Congress," as Republicans argue that Democrats have spent the bulk of their time naming federal post offices.
"It's about strength in numbers - we're working together rather than trying to do things separately," said a senior GOP Senate aide.
After six months of largely sitting back and watching how the new Democratic Senate performs, Republican leaders this week will hold a special retreat to begin honing their 2008 message and agenda - one that's being privately billed as an 18-month "campaign" to reposition themselves to take on the party in charge.
GOP Senators will huddle Wednesday afternoon behind closed doors for the two-hour, Members-only session at 1:45 in the Capitol's Mansfield Room. Orchestrated by Republican Conference Chairman Jon Kyl (Ariz.), the meeting will serve as both a "mid-year review" for the first session of the 110th Congress and as an open exchange of ideas on reformatting a Republican Party that handily lost the House and Senate majorities in November.
"This is about laying the foundation for rebuilding the party," said a Republican Senate leadership aide. "This is a group project. No one person can determine this, we all have to come together and agree on it."
Kyl, in a brief interview Monday, said the session has both a short-term purpose of arming Senators with a message for the upcoming August recess and a broader goal of engaging Senators to game out the party's strategy for the remainder of the year. He added that Republicans likely will come together again next January to take stock of their message and platform heading into what many anticipate will be another bitter test at the ballot box.
"Going into the election year, it's important to know what we stand for, not just what we stand against," he said.
Kyl said that in the first six months of the year, Republicans have had to do little to try to brand the new majority, saying that by pursuing a partisan agenda the Democrats "have returned to form and really defined themselves. We haven't had to do a whole lot to define them."
But Kyl acknowledged that Republicans cannot sit by and simply talk about the Democrats' shortcomings. Senators need to be armed with their own positions and alternatives that reflect the party's long-standing principles, whether it is over the war in Iraq, an expected omnibus spending package or health care policy.
While Wednesday's special Republican Conference meeting will serve as mostly a give-and-take forum for the 49 Senators, sources familiar with the planning say it will also play host to presentations from some outsiders, including GOP pollster and adviser David Winston, who also is a Roll Call contributing writer. Kyl and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) also are on tap to speak and are likely to deliver their respective assessments of the GOP's position heading into 2008.
Republican leaders also will urge Senators to use the August recess to further vet ideas - both in policy and message - for how Republicans should approach the remainder of the 110th Congress.
"We were in the majority for pretty much 12 years," noted a senior GOP Senate aide. "It took an adjustment. But after six months, things are working differently and we need to find those hard line stances that got us into power."
The uphill battle Republicans face over the next two years is no secret, even with McConnell publicly acknowledging the GOP will be lucky to hold its own in an unfavorable political climate with nearly twice as many Senate seats to defend. Republicans need to stave off potential challenges to 21 seats, including McConnell's, while Democratic Senate incumbents face re-election in just a dozen seats.
The timing for the the GOP's Wednesday retreat is noteworthy given Congress is about to break for face time with its constituents for the longest period yet this year. The meeting also comes as the Democratic majority ramps up a summer message that it has racked up a series of critical accomplishments that include passing a minimum-wage increase, higher education reforms and stiffer homeland security protections while continuing to keep pressure on President Bush to end the war in Iraq.
Senate Democrats will try to further build on their theme this week both in message and in practice as they look to leave town having enacted another string of domestic items including a lobbying reform package and an expansion of the children's health insurance program.
Intentional or not, the Democrats have begun to trumpet their accomplishments just as Republicans further accusations that the majority party is responsible for leading a "do-nothing" Congress for the first quarter of the two-year session. That's the same message the Democrats found some success in using to rally against the Republicans during the 109th Congress.
Beyond that, however, Republicans have done little to advance a larger message to define who they are as a party and why they should be put back in charge of Congress. Several Republican leadership aides said party leaders wanted to hold off on undergoing any rebranding exercise until after they had adequate time to assess the Democrats' performance during the first half of 2007.
"It was necessary for us as an opposition party to find out exactly where the Democrats were going to go so we could exploit what we perceive as their mistakes," said the GOP leadership aide. "So now we have an opportunity to share with the American people what we would do differently and how it would benefit them."
But Democrats say regardless of how GOP Senators decide to proceed, they aren't worried that the minority party will create a successful message or policy offensive. So far, Democrats say Republicans have shown little interest in changing their Congressional posture - especially as they try to block passage of the very programs the electorate sought from a new Democratic majority.
"They act as though the November 2006 election never happened," a Senate Democratic leadership aide said of the GOP. "I'm not sure if they're tone-deaf or just plain stubborn, but they've spent the first half of this year fighting like hell against making any progress on the issues voters care about."
The Senate GOP's assessment mirrors similar efforts undertaken in by the then-minority Democrats in recent cycles. Congressional Democrats spent the better part of the 2006 cycle working to unify around their "New Direction for America" platform, which included a series of Democratic priorities the party vowed to enact if given the gavel in the 110th Congress.
And while it remains unclear exactly what the Senate GOP's next move will be, Republicans acknowledge they need to get to work now if they are to have success heading into next year.
Already, Senate Republicans have spent recent weeks trying to re-engage with their House counterparts on message and overall policy coordination. Republicans are hoping for new opportunities to synchronize across the Dome in the wake of the latest debates on Iraq and immigration that deeply fractured the party.
As part of that effort, GOP Senate and House leaders last week held rare joint pen-and-pad sessions with reporters and a press conference on taxes and spending, while the leadership has had numerous planning sessions on overall party strategy and is orchestrating lawmakers to head to the Senate and House floors to push similar party themes. House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) also is expected to join the Senate Republicans' weekly steering committee lunch this week.
Beyond that, House and Senate leadership offices have sought to coordinate messages on fiscal discipline, the Bush administration's midterm report on the Iraq troop "surge" and on accusations of Democrats leading the "post office Congress," as Republicans argue that Democrats have spent the bulk of their time naming federal post offices.
"It's about strength in numbers - we're working together rather than trying to do things separately," said a senior GOP Senate aide.
2010 Tears in island Wallpaper 1280x720
hkhr
06-19 02:00 PM
i am in similar situation, anyone?
more...
hopesoon
05-28 10:17 AM
Who decides on the classification of an EB 2 or 3?
I have a masters degree and when filling my residency it was specify in the position, is it something my lawyer should have requested or Immigration decides when they receive the documentation?
Thanks
I have a masters degree and when filling my residency it was specify in the position, is it something my lawyer should have requested or Immigration decides when they receive the documentation?
Thanks
hair Hole, Big Island wallpaper
gc??
05-03 08:18 PM
I need help for my friend. My Friend's spouse on H4 started to work on EAD. She does not work (or if she gets laid off), will she automatically get her H4 status? If not, what does she need to do to get back on H4. Her husband is on H1.
more...
kirupa
02-14 04:48 AM
Program is the name of your main application's class itself. What I am doing is creating an instance of my application and using the two methods that live inside that class.
:)
:)
hot Paradise Island Wallpaper
aristotle
07-12 07:18 PM
My wife is planning to travel overseas for 3 months and return on AP. Her status is AoS(dependent) as she quit working on H1 a few months ago. Any experience using AP for such long stays outside the country? Please share your experiences.
Thanks!
Thanks!
more...
house Island Sunset wallpaper
Pagal
03-01 01:36 PM
Hello,
There are lots of articles/news around this issue, but so far these have been exceptions than rule ... I myself entered US through a completely different airport than where I'm employed (on H-1B) and didn't have any issue.
Carry your documents with you and enjoy the travels! :)
There are lots of articles/news around this issue, but so far these have been exceptions than rule ... I myself entered US through a completely different airport than where I'm employed (on H-1B) and didn't have any issue.
Carry your documents with you and enjoy the travels! :)
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ramaonline
07-12 09:51 PM
http://www.alternet.org/asoldierspeaks/56397/
more...
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umasar
06-12 11:01 AM
My PERM was filed during July 2008 and got audited. I've got my H1B 7th year extension up to Dec 2010 (including recapture time). Now what will happen if my PERM is denied say on March 2010?
Should I leave the country immediately on March 2010 or Can I stay in US till H1B validity i.e. Dec 2010?
Any inputs would be appreciated.
Should I leave the country immediately on March 2010 or Can I stay in US till H1B validity i.e. Dec 2010?
Any inputs would be appreciated.
dresses Zealand wallpaper for HD
Blog Feeds
07-20 03:40 PM
Belgian-born Diane Von Furstenberg was profiled yesterday in the New York Times as an example of a fashion designer who is actually doing well despite the economic downturn. Furstenberg has been a major figure in American fashion design for nearly four decades. Her designs are worn by famous women like Jessica Alba, Madonna and Jennifer Lopez. Von Furstenberg gave some common sense advice in the interview that is worth repeating: �It�s more important than ever to have confidence. Everyone else is insecure. If you start to take a little bit of everyone else�s insecurity � forget it.�
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/07/immigrant-of-the-day-diane-von-furstenberg-fashion-designer.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/07/immigrant-of-the-day-diane-von-furstenberg-fashion-designer.html)
more...
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sac-r-ten
08-25 11:30 AM
Contact your state's senators.
Submit Ombudsman form 7001.
info on both things can be found by googling.
good luck.
Submit Ombudsman form 7001.
info on both things can be found by googling.
good luck.
girlfriend Cool+desktop+wallpaper+hd
chiranjeevij
04-02 05:07 PM
Hi All,
My PERM details:
Filed 05/10/2008
Audited Sep 2008
Denied May 2010
Appealed Sep 2010 (Govt error)
Approved 03/25/2011
after nearly 3 yrs.
Another friend of mine (same company) was in the same boat, but his processing was like 3 months ahead of mine(for all these steps). His Appeal was sent to BALCA and he is waiting for their response.
encouragement for peeps out there.
My PERM details:
Filed 05/10/2008
Audited Sep 2008
Denied May 2010
Appealed Sep 2010 (Govt error)
Approved 03/25/2011
after nearly 3 yrs.
Another friend of mine (same company) was in the same boat, but his processing was like 3 months ahead of mine(for all these steps). His Appeal was sent to BALCA and he is waiting for their response.
encouragement for peeps out there.
hairstyles Island wallpapers,
Blog Feeds
08-19 05:30 PM
The Wall Street Journal reports that DHS will "intensify" its enforcement efforts against employers around the US: John Morton, the new chief of U.S. Immigration & Customs Enforcement, a unit of the Department of Homeland Security, said that the agency is set to increase the number of companies it will audit and systematically impose fines on violators. Violations could also lead to criminal charges, he said. *** "You are going to see audits regularly and on a larger scale," Mr. Morton said during a two-day visit to southern California, his first since being appointed four months ago. "You will see...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/dhs-set-to-increase-number-of-employer-audits.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/dhs-set-to-increase-number-of-employer-audits.html)
kisana
01-31 08:20 AM
Can anyone please help me.
ramreddy
08-24 07:38 AM
Hi Folks
just got my GC. Now if I contract for a security clearance job, like Armed forces, or Defense related one through the same employer that sponsored by GC, CAN I BE ELIGIBLE for a waiver of the 5 years waiting period -to what extent is is waived ....100% or only part of the 5 years wait, if at all .
My Company is a US Defense Vendor .
Can someone pt me to the right place where all this is clarified.
Also would the same kind of waiver apply if you work for a Govt agency or it is strictly defense...
are there some other ways where GC-> Citz can be expedited
just got my GC. Now if I contract for a security clearance job, like Armed forces, or Defense related one through the same employer that sponsored by GC, CAN I BE ELIGIBLE for a waiver of the 5 years waiting period -to what extent is is waived ....100% or only part of the 5 years wait, if at all .
My Company is a US Defense Vendor .
Can someone pt me to the right place where all this is clarified.
Also would the same kind of waiver apply if you work for a Govt agency or it is strictly defense...
are there some other ways where GC-> Citz can be expedited
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